Newly released JFK assassination files tell old story: Like Earhart, only goal is to protect sacred cow
From the moment I saw the Oct. 21 New York Times story announcing that President Donald Trump had ordered the release of the last declassified JFK assassination files, I smelled an old rat, whose familiar stench has permeated the Earhart disappearance for nearly 80 years. I’m no expert on the Kennedy case, and though I won’t advocate any specific scenario that contradicts the official line here, I will certainly assert with confidence that the infamous Warren Commission Report could well be the most dishonest document in U.S. government history.
With 30 years of focus on the Earhart travesty, however, I’m quite familiar with the phony 1967 Navy release of the “remaining” Earhart files. It’s transparently obvious that the current drill is more of the same, another huge disinformation operation, this time on a scale meant to permanently stifle the predictable complaints of the hated “conspiracy theorists,” who won’t be pleased with what they find in the Kennedy documents — or more accurately, what they won’t find.
Ironically, it was President John F. Kennedy who allowed Fred Goerner and Ross Game to view top-secret Earhart files in Washington in 1963, according to Game, files that chronicled the abandonment and betrayal of Amelia Earhart on Japanese-controlled Saipan by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1937. For a detailed discussion of the 1967 Earhart files fiasco, as well as Goerner’s role in exposing the corruption and dishonesty that has plagued the Earhart case from day one, see pages 259-261 and 271-275 of Amelia Earhart: The Truth at Last.
Even the New York Times, in its Oct. 21 announcement, didn’t bother to pretend that the forthcoming documents would shed any new light on what most informed Americans are convinced was a complex conspiracy to kill the president:
In a statement to reporters, the White House left open the possibility that Mr. Trump might halt the release of some documents. “The president believes that these documents should be made available in the interests of full transparency unless agencies provide a compelling and clear national security or law enforcement justification otherwise,” the statement said. It is not known what revelations might be contained in the unreleased documents, though researchers and authors of books about Kennedy say they do not expect any bombshells that significantly alter the official narrative of the assassination — that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in Dallas — delivered in 1964 by the Warren Commission.
As expected, Fox News reported Oct. 27, that “Just before the release Thursday, Trump wrote in a memorandum that he had ‘no choice’ but to agree to requests from the CIA and FBI to keep thousands of documents secret because of the possibility that releasing the information could still harm national security.” In fact, the only security that those who control the Kennedy files care about is their own, anyone still living who could be connected to the Kenney hit, and their families, of course — a small battalion of criminals — or a large nest of vipers. The fox not only watches the henhouse these days, he owns it.
All manner of stories proliferate, but they all have one thing in common: They offer nothing but fluff, harmless innuendo and distraction designed to titillate and entertain, but most of all, their purpose is to even more convincingly convict — if only in the eyes of the most ignorant — Lee Harvey Oswald, the “Communist nut,” the “lone wolf,” as the lunatic who brought off the most incredible marksmanship feat in world history from the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository, killing JFK and practically blowing his entire head off in the process. No point in linking to these countless stories here, as they’re almost impossible to avoid. Take your pick.
Most of age can recall our exactly locations when we heard the news. I was in an eighth-grade classroom at St. Marks School in Adelphi, Md., when the announcement came over the loudspeaker, delivered by the school’s autocratic principal, a Catholic nun named Mother Jerome. For a healthy, sports-addled 13-year-old without any political education or compass, it was just another exciting development in a place far away.
Who could have dreamed that Kennedy’s death would usher in the whole horrendous panoply of the 20th century’s remaining decades? Beginning with the Vietnam War, a newly insatiable political and cultural liberalism gave us LBJ’s Great Society, the world’s biggest welfare state and the attack on the family; Woodstock, the hippie movement, the drug plague and the phony War on Drugs; the sexual revolution, the normalization and glorification of homosexuality, and the current transgender abomination; the April 4 and June 5, 1968 assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. “Bobby” Kennedy by the same malevolent forces responsible for JFK’s slaughter; the lie of political correctness; radical feminism; Roe v. Wade (1973) and the Culture of Death, with 56.5 million Americans murdered in the womb as of 2013; the pornography explosion; HIV and the AIDS epidemic; affirmative action, race quotas and reverse discrimination that have yet to be addressed; left-wing public education’s degenerate emphasis on atheism, secular humanism and so-called “social activism,” resulting in a national pandemic of illiteracy; the eight-year Clinton blight; and the continued degradation and downward trajectory of American society into the 21st century.
We can’t begin to know how different things would have been had JFK lived; many who possess a basic understanding of history point to the assassination as the day that true evil took over in the halls of our government. It’s hard to imagine an America without the aforementioned social, political and economic disasters that have so largely defined the past 50 years, but it’s equally difficult to doubt that our world today wouldn’t be better for most of us had JFK lived.
We know that Kennedy wanted to get the United States out of Vietnam, and the billions it would have cost corporate America was enough motivation for certain establishment wolves to take him out. In his Jan. 1, 1961 farewell speech, JFK’s predecessor, World War II hero Dwight D. Eisenhower, suggested that something dire might be looming. “In the councils of government,” Eisenhower famously said, “we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.”
For those who want to know more about what happened at Dealey Plaza on Nov. 22, 1963, I asked an expert on American history, Dave Martin (DCDave.com) for his top book recommendations. “There’s a lot of great work out there on the JFK assassination,” Martin told me in a recent email. “You might start by reading my 50th anniversary article. Phil Nelson’s two books [LBJ: The Mastermind of the JFK Assassination and LBJ: From Mastermind to “The Colossus“] on LBJ’s involvement are hard to top. Sylvia Meagher’s early analysis of the Warren Commission Report, Accessories After the Fact has not been matched through all the years that have passed. She really exposes the FBI for the cover-up artists that they are. Mark Lane’s Rush To Judgment is also still worth reading. . . . You could also do a lot worse than just reading my other various articles on the subject.“
America’s sacred cows don’t come any bigger than the JFK hit — but the truth about the Earhart disappearance is close — and both of these sacred cows will be protected at all costs. The only certainty is that nothing significant will ever be found in these or any released documents related to the Kennedy assassination or the loss of Amelia Earhart.
After the smoke and BS clears, the hapless patsy Lee Harvey Oswald will again be convicted and certified as the lone shooter, per the mendacious Warren Commission whitewash, and this sacred cow will be preserved into perpetuity. Donald Trump can’t or won’t expose the deep state’s refusal to reveal how LBJ, the CIA and others murdered JFK. They will never come clean, just as they will never admit the truth about poor Amelia and Fred Noonan.
Today we conclude our brief excursion into the still unspeakable — as far as official Japan is concerned, anyway — prewar and World War II crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Imperial Japanese military in numbers that still stun to contemplate. Undoubtedly the most notable atrocities Japan has never admitted and for which it has never made amends are the murders of Amelia Earhart and Fred Noonan on Saipan sometime after their July 2, 1937 disappearance.
As I wrote in my Sept. 25 post, “Earhart’s murder among first of Japan’s War Crimes,“ this section was originally created for inclusion in the closing chapter of Amelia Earhart: The Truth at Last. My intent was to demonstrate how easily the American fliers became among the very first victims of the bloodthirsty Japanese regime upon their still-unexplained landing at Japanese controlled Mili Atoll on July 2, 1937. Here, then, is part two of “Japan’s War Crimes.”
JAPAN’S WAR CRIMES
Former Japanese soldier Akira Makino, of Osaka, assigned to Unit 731 for four months in 1945, described his dissection and dismemberment of 10 Filipino prisoners of war, including two teenage girls, for the U.K.’s Daily Mail in March 2007. “We removed some of the organs and amputated legs and arms,” Akira recalled. “Two of the victims were young women, 18 or 19 years old. I hesitate to say it but we opened up their wombs to show the younger soldiers. They knew very little about women — it was sex education.” Akira’s victims were luckier than some, according to reporter Christopher Hudson, who wrote that Makino “anaesthetized them before cutting them up,” while others were not so fortunate.
Suspicions persist that some American POWs were subjected to the always-fatal experiments at the Japanese BW units in Manchuria. In 1980, journalist John W. “Bill” Powell Jr., writing in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, briefly galvanized public attention on Japan’s BW atrocities when he reported that “among the human guinea pigs were an undetermined number of American soldiers, captured during the early part of the war and confined in prisoner-of-war camps in Manchuria.” The sensational charges in Powell’s article, “Japan’s Biological Weapons: 1930-1945, a Hidden Chapter in History,” were broadcast in the American media on the CBS news weekly Sixty Minutes, and featured in People Magazine.
Powell was best known for his sedition trial after he published an article in 1952 that reported on allegations made by Mainland Chinese officials that the United States and Japan were carrying out germ warfare in the Korean War. In 1956 the Eisenhower Administration pressed sedition charges against Powell, his wife, Sylvia, and Julian Schuman, after grand jury indictments that had been sought by Federal prosecutors were handed down against the three North Americans who had published the allegations about bacteriological warfare. However, the prosecutors failed to get any convictions.
Powell’s 1980 efforts led to Congressional hearings and an acknowledgement by Japan’s Diet that Unit 731 had existed and “committed heinous war crimes,” but no formal apologies have even been issued by Japan, which awarded Ishii a handsome retirement pension, despite government knowledge of his BW experiments. In fact, neither Ishii nor anyone else associated with the vast Japanese biological warfare program were ever brought to justice by the United States, despite fitting the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal’s definition of “A” level war criminals.
Ishii and more than two dozen Japanese BW experts were granted immunity from prosecution for sharing “the fruits of their research” with American scientists involved in their own, more benign research. At House Veterans Subcommittee hearings at Helena, Montana, in 1982, and Washington, D.C., in 1986, former POWs testified that they had been involved in Japanese BW experiments, but no report was issued, no action was taken and no further investigations resulted. “The Mukden POWs were thanked for their service to their country, and sent on their way home,” Sheldon wrote.
Nationally syndicated columnists Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta interviewed Congressman Pat Williams (D-Montana), a leader in the lobbying campaign for the Helena and Washington hearings, in 1987. Williams told them he had “encountered cover-up, denials and an intolerable cloud of secrecy” from U.S. Army and State Department officials who testified at the proceedings. Three years later, a front-page New York Times story about the “discovery of thirty-five non-Japanese human skulls and thighbones . . . just steps from the site of the wartime laboratory of Lieut. Gen Shiro Ishii” briefly returned attention to the issue. “Under General Ishii’s direction, prisoners of war – primarily Chinese, but by some accounts Americans and Russians as well – died gruesome deaths in secret camps set up in Japanese occupied territory,” the Times noted.
Japan’s feckless inability to come to terms with its sordid past was demonstrated once again in August 2002, when a Tokyo court rejected a claim for an apology and compensation by 180 Chinese, either victims or the family of those killed at Unit 731. The significance of the story, which received scant attention in the United States but was covered extensively in Japan, Australia and Britain, lay in the fact that it was the first time a Japanese court had acknowledged that Unit 731 and other units had engaged in “cruel and inhumane” biological warfare in China, costing countless lives. Still, the Japanese panel of three judges refused to apologize to victims or their families, nor did they offer them any compensation for Japan’s wartime atrocities, claiming there was no legal basis for the claims, because all compensation issues were settled by a treaty with China in 1972.
“While it had an authoritative legal ring to it, there was a deep sense of injustice around the courtroom and among supporters waiting outside,” Shane Green wrote in the Australian newspaper The Age. “How could a court acknowledge a crime had been committed, yet fail to do anything about it? In the only official comment on the day of the decision, the Japanese Justice Ministry said the court’s decision verified the validity of the Japanese Government’s position in refusing compensation and an apology to the victims of Unit 731.”
The inconceivable Nanking butchery, the innumerable victims of Japan’s biological warfare experiments and the dehumanizing sexual slavery of the comfort women were atrocities of unimaginable proportions, but those crimes were perpetrated almost exclusively against Chinese, Filipino, Korean and other Asian peoples. Though Westerners were aghast at the specter of Japan’s barbarity against its neighbors, when its inhuman cruelty was unleashed against 140,000 U.S. and Allied prisoners of war, with too many dying horribly under the merciless yoke of their captors, Japan’s wartime depredations struck home in a far more personal way. Australian historian and author Gavan Daws, now living in Hawaii, spent 10 years interviewing hundreds of survivors of Japanese POW camps, capturing their stories in his remarkable 1994 book, Prisoners of the Japanese: POWs of World War II in the Pacific.
The exhaustive litany of torment and death Daws recites should give pause to all but the most fanatical of Japan’s wartime apologists. In opening his grim narrative, Daws succinctly describes the vast scope of Japan’s perfidy against its confined enemies: “They sacrificed prisoners in medical experiments. They watched them die by the tens of thousands from diseases of malnutrition like beriberi, pellagra, and scurvy, and from epidemic tropical diseases: malaria, dysentery, tropical ulcers, cholera. Those who survived could only look ahead to being worked to death. If the war had lasted another year, there would not have been a POW left alive.”
The cold statistics confirm the desperate plight of POWs in Japanese captivity. Thirty-four percent of Americans, 33 percent of Australians, and 32 percent of British POWs in the Pacific theater died in Japanese hands, while the Allied death rate in Nazi POW camps was just 4 percent. “The undeniable, incontrovertibly documented record of brutality, disease, and death in the POW camps,” Daws wrote, “plus what happened in the civilian internment camps for white men, women, and children, and the massacres and atrocities perpetrated on native Asian people in occupied territory – all this shows the national tribe of Japan at its worst as a power in the world. That worst was humanly dreadful, a terrible chapter in the world’s twentieth-century book of the dead.”
Following the surrender of Bataan in April 1942, about 70,0000 American and Filipino soldiers were force marched, without food or water, for 75 of the 100 miles from the Bataan Peninsula north to Camp O’Donnell in central Luzon, in the infamous Bataan death march, the worst single atrocity against American POWs in history. Starving men were beheaded or bayoneted at such a rate that one dead body was left every 15 yards for a hundred miles, “every death a Japanese atrocity,” Daws wrote. The Japanese “would see a man desperate for water, catch him throwing himself down at some filthy pond and chop his head off. They would kill a man squatting with dysentery, leave him bleeding to death, fouled, with his pants down around his ankles. They killed men for going too slow, exhausted men dropping back through the column, Japanese buzzard squads coming along behind them to finish them off. The Japanese might order prisoners to dig graves and dump corpses in, one on top of the other. Some were thrown in alive, and the Japanese made other prisoners bash them down with shovels, or be bashed themselves and buried, alive or dead.”
Japan’s education system continues to perpetuate the myth of that nation’s innocence in World War II, and only its oldest and best-educated citizens are even vaguely aware of their forebears’ bloody legacy of incalculable wartime criminality. “Typically, Japanese school and college textbooks gave only half a dozen or so pages to the war in its entirety, phrased in sanitized language officially enforced by the Ministry of Education,” Daws explained. “In the orthodox teaching of the Japanese national tribe, Japan was the victim of white aggression, and the atrocities of the war began and ended with the atom bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. World-scale atrocities like the Rape of Nanking were reduced to incidents, and POW camps were cleansed out of existence altogether.”
In a 1995 interview, Daws told The Washington Post he didn’t know why “the Japanese refuse to acknowledge these things the way the Germans have their atrocities. It’s not like there’s any question about their authenticity. After all, there are newsreel films showing Japanese soldiers tossing live Chinese babies onto their bayonets. Atrocities like the Rape of Nanking . . . are a matter of indelible record. Obviously these true stories muddy Japan’s increasingly sanitized image of itself as merely the innocent victim of the atom bomb. And that makes them very nervous.”
In Conspiracies, Cover-ups and Crimes (1996), Jonathan Vankin explored America’s “supersociety” or “ruling class,” and its symbiotic relationship with the Japanese corporate state. Vankin cites the November 13, 1989 issue of U.S. News and World Report, announcing the sale of Rockefeller Center in Manhattan as well as 51 percent of the Rockefeller Group to the Japanese corporation Mitsubishi. “The press recorded the transaction as evidence of Japanese encroachment into American affairs,” Vankin wrote. “Little mention was made of the long alliance between the Rockefellers, American industrial leaders, and Mitsubishi, which plays a similar role in the Japanese corporate state. The press also failed to scrutinize the assumption that the Rockefeller organization is actually ‘American.’ In fact, it is global, and the guiding philosophy of the family in its business dealing is not nationalistic, but ‘one world.’. . . Many of these people hold the highest positions in government and in big business. They sit on the boards of banks and control the money circulating around the world. They decide what gets manufactured, and how much. Educational institutions and mass media outlets are under their control, which means the information we receive — the very stuff of our thoughts — is also shaped by this elite, this Establishment. This conspiracy.”
Would this establishment’s interests be served if the truth of Japan’s guilt in the deaths of Earhart and Noonan were acknowledged? Further evidence of the overwhelming efficacy of our government-media establishment’s inbred policy of deceit in the Earhart case is indirectly reflected in Vankin’s book itself, where not a whisper can be found about the Earhart disappearance. Did Earhart simply escape Vankin’s attention, or did something else compel him to refrain from any discussion of the Earhart matter?
In “The San Francisco System at Fifty,” the introductory chapter to the 2002 Brookings Institution-published U.S.-Japan Relations in a Changing World, editor Steven K. Vogel discusses the September 1951 peace treaty Japan signed with forty-eight nations, forging an alliance with the Unites States under the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security. This arrangement, known as the San Francisco system, has defined relations between the two nations ever since. “Japan effectively committed itself to military, diplomatic, and economic dependence on the United States,” Vogel wrote. “Japan allowed the United States to station troops on Japanese soil and to maintain control over Okinawa. Japan acted as a member of the Western camp, following the U.S. lead on crucial foreign policy issues. The United States protected Japan from external threats, but Japan developed military forces to help defend itself and to support U.S. forces in regional conflicts. The United States also supported Japan’s economic recovery by allowing Japan to limit the reparations paid to war victims, by creating a liberal international trade regime, and by maintaining open markets at home while tolerating Japanese trade protection and an undervalued yen.”
The Embassy of Japan’s web site offers similar language about the Japan-U.S. alliance: “Japan and the United States share interests and fundamental values, including freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law. The two countries are building significantly interdependent and cooperative relationships across a broad range of areas in the political, security and economic cooperation.”
By itself, the United States’ conciliatory, almost paternal postwar attachment to its former enemy would be enough to keep the secrets of the Earhart disappearance buried in the deepest recesses of our national security apparatus – if the records still exist at all. One wonders whether the San Francisco arrangement would have proceeded as smoothly if President Harry S. Truman had broken ranks with his deceased former boss and revealed Japan’s guilt in the deaths of Earhart and Noonan, as well as Franklin D. Roosevelt’s gag order to suppress public knowledge of it.
But FDR’s sanitized legacy as the New Deal savior of the American middle class, who rid the world of the Nazi and Japanese menaces, could never have withstood the revelation of his abandonment of Earhart and Noonan in the prewar years, or even his failure to reveal Japan’s guilt upon learning of the fliers’ fate. In either case, FDR had no stomach for the public outcry and endless questions, and his alleged secret executive order that permanently embargoed the truth in the Earhart disappearance was FDR’s way of permanently dealing with the problem. The world has been left with the “Earhart mystery” ever since.